No 1798 Posted by fw, October 11, 2016
“It is high time that Europe’s and Canada’s policymakers wake up to the fact that freeing trade does not necessarily create extra jobs but instead carries a high risk of welfare losses, heightened inequality and fragmentation—all sources feeding the groundswell of discontent. The decision on CETA needs to be an informed decision—one that takes the many downsides of the trade agreement very seriously.” —Servass Storm and Pierre Kohler
Economists Storm and Kohler are eminently well qualified to issue warnings about CETA, warnings that should be taken seriously by politicians and policymakers in Canada and the EU. Unlike Mr. Trudeau, they have done the math.
Below is a repost of the Storm, Kohler article with added subheadings highlighted text and inline hyperlinks in place of endnotes. Alternatively, to read the piece on the Naked Truth’s website, click on the following linked title.
By Servass Storm, Department of Economics, Faculty TPM, Delft University of Technology and Pierre Kohler an Economic Affairs Officer at UNDESA whose research focuses on sustainability, redistributive policies as well as on global macroeconomic models applied to trade and fiscal policy
Pro-CETA supporters can no longer ignore waves of protest across Europe
Things have changed. Until just a few weeks ago it was easy for economists and trade policymakers to discard the massive waves of protest across European countries against two controversial transatlantic free trade agreements as mere “irrational”, “protectionist” or “dangerously populist” impulses. But not so anymore. About the same time when hundreds of thousands of concerned German citizens took to the streets to protest against the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), a growing chorus of senior policymakers started urging governments to heed the rising discontent, anxiety and economic insecurity among the vast majority of the populations in the advanced world.
Prominent spokespersons now warning of “growing inequalities and discontent” caused by globalization
Most prominently, in a speech titled Making Globalisation Work For All given in Canada on September 13, I.M.F. managing director Ms. Christine Lagarde stated that many people felt they “lack control” in a “system [that] is somehow against them” and that growing inequalities have “added to a groundswell of discontent, especially in the industrialized world.” Lagarde’s plea for boosting support for low-income workers and reducing inequality came on exactly the same day Mr. Mario Draghi, the president of the E.C.B. stated —in his Premio De Gasperi lecture in Trento, Italy—that the E.U. should pay greater attention to “the demands of those left behind by a society built on the pursuit of wealth and power”, and do more to help globalization’s losers by moderating its outcomes. Globalization has certainly caused dislocation and hardship, as the recent McKinsey report titled [Exec Summary auto PDF download link] “Poorer than Their Parents? Flat or Falling Incomes in Advanced Economies” found: 65 to 70% of households in 25 advanced economies had experienced no real income growth between 2005 and 2014, up from just 2 percent of households with stagnant incomes during 1993-2005. This was known, of course, but McKinsey’s report helped publicize the facts.
Policymakers and politicians can ignore these concerns only at their own peril
The bottom line should be clear: citizens are rightly concerned about the distributional consequences of TTIP and CETA — a concern which policymakers and politicians can ignore only at their own peril. The justified skepticism of German voters has already dealt a possibly fatal blow to TTIP negotiations. Sigmar Gabriel, Germany’s vice-chancellor and economics minister, and an early proponent of TTIP, admitted last month that negotiations had “de facto failed”.
Based on promising economic studies, the CETA trade deal is on its way to ratification
However, while TTIP may have reached a dead end, the CETA trade deal between the E.U. and Canada is on its way to ratification, albeit on increasingly rocky ground. The CETA deal has the political support of key European social democrats, such as the SPD’s Gabriel but also French President Francois Hollande and the Dutch PvdA Minister for Trade Liliane Ploumen, who point to economic studies that unequivocally predict that CETA will raise incomes and create additional jobs in the E.U. CETA will supposedly benefit “left-behind” constituencies—which would make the concerns of Ms. Lagarde and Mr. Draghi appear unwarranted. We must note right here that these estimated unequivocal income gains are extremely small—less than 0.1% of GDP in 2023.
However, the assumptions underpinning CETA’s economic models’ glowing predictions are “empirically untenable”
However, CETA proponents fail to point out that the standard economic model studies on the effects of CETA, on which they are basing their claims, are incapable of tracing out any distributional consequences of the agreement, because they assume that the Canadian and European economies always operate at full employment. In addition, these studies manage to inflate the so-called dynamic gains from the trade agreement, by assuming that all (extra) savings are automatically re-invested into the real economy. Both assumptions are empirically untenable and combined they help define away the real problem: trade liberalization in these models is “win-win” by design of the modeler, who assumes away unemployment, shortage of investment, and any adjustment costs or uncertainties (associated with searching new jobs, moving houses, going for additional schooling, closing down one’s factory, taking a new loan for setting up a new firm).
Alternative model finds that CETA will lead to net losses in employment, incomes and GDP in both Canada and E.U.
In a recent Tufts University working paper, we provide alternative projections of CETA’s economic effects in which we allow for changes in employment and income distribution and the economic adjustment to the trade deal is modelled in a realistic and empirically grounded manner. In contrast to the “win-win” outcomes, we find that CETA will lead to intra-E.U. trade diversion and to net losses in terms of employment, personal incomes and GDP in both Canada and the E.U. By 2023, we project that 30 thousand jobs will be lost in Canada and 200 thousand jobs in the E.U. Higher unemployment will depress wage growth and by 2023, workers will have foregone average annual earnings of €1776 in Canada and between €316 and €1331 in the E.U. depending on the country (compared to the base run without CETA). Aggregate demand shortfalls nurtured by heightened unemployment will also hurt productivity and cause a decline in national income of 0.96% in Canada and 0.49% in the EU.
“It is high time that Europe’s and Canada’s policymakers wake up…to high risks”
We do not, of course, claim to possess perfect foresight. But we can claim that our model analysis is based on more realistic assumptions than the standard full-employment models—and that unlike these earlier studies, we face up to the risks, the distributional impacts and the non-negligible transitional costs of freeing trade—which are worrying not just Ms. Lagarde and Mr. Draghi but also the majority of the European and Canadian citizens. We concur with Mr. Draghi that further fragmentation of our already divided societies will be “most dangerous” politically and carries the risk of reversing integration. It is high time that Europe’s and Canada’s policymakers wake up to the fact that freeing trade does not necessarily create extra jobs but instead carries a high risk of welfare losses, heightened inequality and fragmentation—all sources feeding the groundswell of discontent. The decision on CETA needs to be an informed decision—one that takes the many downsides of the trade agreement very seriously.
Seven years into CETA negotiations, Canadian officials continue to claim they are close to sealing the deal by Michael Geist, posted July 14, 2016 — CETA merits debate, but its most distinguishing feature during the seven years of negotiations has been the steady stream of unrealistic claims from Canadian officials about how close they are to concluding the deal.
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