UK town’s economic plan envisages significant benefits flowing from increased localization

The report identifies a multi-million pound opportunity to create new jobs, grow new enterprises and help existing businesses to thrive in Totnes & District, UK.

No 724 Posted by fw, April 19, 2013

This post opens with a 5:17-minute video introduction to the Totnes plan by Fiona Ward, Project Manager for Local Economic Blueprint project, Transition Town Totnes. Following the video is the Executive Summary of the Totnes Local Economic Blueprint, authored by Ward. For a free download of the 32-page report, click on the preceding linked title.

REconomy’s Fiona Ward discusses the Totnes Local Economic Blueprint – published March 21, 2013

Totnes Local Economic Blueprint: Executive Summary by Fiona Ward, March 28, 2013

Fiona Ward is the Project Manager for Local Economic Blueprint project, Transition Town Totnes

Totnes and District is feeling the effects of the economic downturn, along with the rest of the country. Climate change impacts and rising energy costs are further signs that the assumptions underpinning our current economic system need urgent review. Here we have an unusually independent economy. Rather than sacrifice that by pursuing growth at any cost, here we suggest that protecting and enhancing this economy is where our future lies. But how will this provide the jobs we all need to survive?

This report identifies a multi-million pound opportunity to create new jobs, grow new enterprises and help existing businesses to thrive. It’s people-based, community-led, sustainable economic development that provides new livelihoods. At the same time, it helps ensure we can feed ourselves, minimize our fuel bills and carbon emissions, provide safer refuge for our savings and pensions and take care of those most in need.

This work brings together a coalition of local stakeholder organisations, anchored here in our community, to develop an economic approach designed specifically for Totnes and District (T&D), and shows that we can unite to deliver real change.

The project has looked at 4 key sectors and used publicly available data to compile a picture of what each sector could be worth to our local economy, if we develop more demand for local products and services, delivered by local independent businesses and using a supply chain closer to home.

Just developing 10% of this potential could contribute over £5m to our local economy within the next 12-24 months. This is worth even more than its face value, as more of the money continues to recycle locally when it’s spent on local things from local independent businesses (the local multiplier effect).

Caring for those that need extra help in our community will bring some economic benefit to local enterprises too, but more importantly, we can find new ways to use other means of exchange to look after each other better, especially the most vulnerable.

While we do not suggest that all of our needs could be met by our local area, we propose that what can be grown and produced here, should be, where there are net benefits to doing so. The rest will be met by trade both national and global, as has always been the case. This Local Economic Blueprint tells the story of a new kind of local economy, one based around people, their wellbeing, and their livelihoods, and which better respects resource limits. It calls to action more of our local organisations and businesses, and invites them to work with us to shape this story and turn it into reality.

[The Blueprint’s key conclusions] –

Food and drink — Up to £22m of money leaves our local food economy each year on food imports. Diverting just 10% of this existing spend within the next year or so would boost our local businesses by over £2m. Local independent shops offer three times the number of jobs as the main supermarkets, for the same retail spend, and local food producers employ 50% more workers than larger scale farms.

Making our homes energy efficient — Retrofitting activity on our homes is worth £26m (basic) – £75m (full) in total. This relates to around 70 to 700 jobs respectively across the whole supply chain, and we want to maximize our share of these. Aiming to unlock 10% of the basic spend within the next year adds up to £2.6m to our local economy.

Developing our renewable energy assets — This could generate over £6m worth of energy each year for householders and community investors. The solar PV technology alone could deliver 370 jobs across the supply chain, some of them based here. Building just 10% of this capacity adds another £600k into our economic system each year.

SEE ALSO

  • Totnes publishes groundbreaking Local Economic Blueprint by Rob Hopkins, Transition Network Org., March 28, 2013. Hopkins, a co-founder of Transition, sees the publication of the Totnes economic blueprint as “what may well turn out to be one of the most important documents yet produced by a Transition initiative.”
FAIR USE NOTICE: This blog, Citizen Action Monitor, may contain copyrighted material that may not have been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. I claim no ownership of such materials. Such material, published without profit, is made available for educational purposes, to advance understanding of human rights, democracy, scientific, moral, ethical, and social justice issues. It is published in accordance with the provisions of the 2004 Supreme Court of Canada ruling and its six principle criteria for evaluating fair dealing.

Climate justice needs radical demands backed up with nonviolent confrontational tactics asserts Quaker activist

Predictable feel-good rallies featuring platform speeches aren’t good enough anymore

No 685 Posted by fw, February 28, 2013

“Predictable civil disobedience and feel-good rallies alone aren’t enough. Climate justice needs radical demands backed up with mass nonviolent direct action. The question, though, is: How do we get to that point?”George Lakey

It’s so refreshing to read an article that goes beyond pontificating about climate justice — what we “must” do, “should” do, “need” to do — and gets to the how-to, nuts and bolts of direct nonviolent action. And that’s what George Lakey does in the following piece. Lakey, visiting professor at Swarthmore College and a Quaker, has led 1,500 workshops on five continents and led activist projects on local, national, and international levels. Among many other books and articles, he is author of “Strategizing for a Living Revolution” in David Solnit’s book Globalize Liberation (City Lights, 2004).

To read Lakey’s original piece on radical activism, click on the following linked title. Another option is to read the following re-posting with added subheadings, hyperlinks and text highlighting.

Want radical actions? Build strong action groups by George Lakey, Waging Non Violence, February 26, 2013

Climate justice needs radical demands backed up with mass nonviolent direct action

I’ve been reading some of the critics of the past few weeks’ events in the climate movement and found myself in agreement with Peter Rugh and David Swanson. Predictable civil disobedience and feel-good rallies alone aren’t enough. Climate justice needs radical demands backed up with mass nonviolent direct action. The question, though, is: How do we get to that point?

Help generate feelings of group power by providing varied opportunities for tactile group interaction

I remember a strategy workshop where we explored obstacles to people taking risks and doing edgy actions. Palestinian exile Mubarak Awad reflected on his own experience under the Israeli occupation and his conversations with others living under dictatorship. “Use every opportunity,” Mubarak said, “to get people moving in the streets. Religious processions, funeral marches, whatever,” he said. “Help people get the experience of crowds moving together. They need the tactile experience of solidarity.”

In this country it’s not only fear that freezes us; it’s despair. The rhetoric about how climate change will destroy us has done its work all too well, especially when reinforced by descriptions of the might of the fossil fuels industry and its bought politicians. An obstacle to the kind of movement we need is psychological, and Mubarak’s advice is useful, adjusted to our circumstances: We need to get people out of their isolation and into tactile contact with the many who, together, can generate power.

It’s not platform speeches that energize people; it’s opportunities for interpersonal interactions

From that point of view what mattered at the rally on February 17 in Washington, D.C., wasn’t the rhetoric from the platform but the “break-out” that people experienced who were there. “Everyone expected it to be small because of the cold and it was, like, wow, 40,000 people stood out in the cold, freezing,” one first-time rally attender, Swarthmore College student Elaine Zhou, told the Swarthmore Phoenix: “I think rallies are just a great experience, especially because Swarthmore students can sometimes get trapped in the bubble here.” Student Patrick Ammerman said in the same article. “Having conversations with people who might be living on the front lines or might be organizing in a completely different community and seeing the diversity of groups represented really helps you bring something back to Swarthmore.”

“Building a mass direct action movement is not so much logical as psychological”

The most direct action-oriented civil rights strategists in the civil rights movement knew both fear and despair intimately. Bayard Rustin and A. Philip Randolph organized events of tens of thousands in Washington in the late 1950s so that young African Americans could march close to each other. The marchers then went home to form action groups and create the 1960s sit-in campaigns across the South.

As Dick Cluster put it in the title of his book, They should have served that cup of coffee! “They” were the Southern 1 percent, and the “coffee” was what those at the sit-ins ordered. The civil rights movement roused white college students, senior citizens, Chicano farm workers in California, Puerto Ricans in New York, mental health consumers and other groups to turn the 1960s into a nightmare for the national 1 percent.

Who would have guessed that such tame marches in late 1950s Washington, with moderate-sounding rhetoric at rallies, could open the door to the explosive 1960s? I was there in 1958, and I didn’t guess. When I met Bayard Rustin, though, I learned their secret: Building a mass direct action movement is not so much logical as psychological.

Getting out of the “bubble” that traps action groups

The “bubble” that the Swarthmore student referred to is what traps action groups, which is one big reason why it’s smart to alternate the differentiation that defines a good action group with the joining that helps build the mass movement. Eileen Flanagan has explained how the Earth Quaker Action Team negotiated that choice in recent weeks, and after contributing to the mass movement side of things, EQAT — pronounced “equate” — is now returning to its focus: demanding that PNC “Bank Like Appalachia Matters!” (BLAM!)

Overcoming fear — “I’m not scared anymore” says Pittsburgh woman after simulated role-play experience

EQAT’s 200-mile march last year concluded at the towering PNC headquarters in Pittsburgh. Organizer Zach Hershman invited the 150 people present on the wide sidewalk to role-play civil disobedience right on the spot. He said that if PNC refused our demand to give up funding mountaintop removal coal mining, the next time EQAT came to Pittsburgh it would have to escalate, and now was the time to practice.

Surrounded by media, police, pedestrians and noon-time traffic, the crowd divided into “protesters” and “police” and practiced a sit-down with arrests.

Afterward, during the debriefing, Zach asked people to raise their hands if they had ever really risked arrest. Few hands went up. After some final cheer-leading the event concluded. I turned to my neighbor — a perfect stranger to me — and remarked, “You didn’t have your hand up.”

“Right,” she said. “I remember the civil rights movement, and I thought they were doing the right thing and I should join, but I was too scared. And then later came the anti-Vietnam War protests, and I thought they were right too, and that I should join, but I was too scared.”

“What about now?” I asked.

She smiled. “I’m not scared anymore.”

Getting activists ready for heavy-duty confrontation requires training – lots and lots of training

I agree with critics of the February 17 rally who say that more confrontational tactics are needed for climate justice. The Pittsburgh woman reflects a modest growth of readiness. But the critics indulge in wishful thinking if they believe that tens of thousands of people are ready or even motivated to do that at the moment. I even wonder if we have right now enough radical activists who are sufficiently skilled with crowd interventions to ensure that the confrontations go well.

I believe that it’s our job, as self-identified activists, to train ourselves for the unpredictable dynamics of mass actions so we can help out when people do shake off their fear and despair. The training we need includes practice in operating together in crowds.

Lakey’s personal narrative of how trained activists helped prevent a nasty confrontation at LGBT rally

An example of the pay-off of such training comes from the 1986 historic sit-down at the U.S. Supreme Court. The LGBT movement was furious with the court for deciding that Georgia police were right to enter the bedroom of a gay man’s house and arrest him and his partner for having sex. They began to mobilize for the largest civil disobedience in the history of the Supreme Court.

Members of Movement for a New Society (MNS) decided to join in the planning and execution. We were an action network with a lot of experience with confrontation. So when the day came, instead of sticking together, members of Movement for a New Society fanned out in pairs or threes to join a number of the affinity groups that had been formed during the trainings.

My affinity group had a dozen people. Just before the action started, a lost-looking guy came looking for a group. We had only a few minutes to include him before the signal came to move out and sit down.

The hundreds of glove-wearing police were nervous; AIDS had everybody scared back then. We tried to lighten the atmosphere by chanting, “Your shoes don’t match your gloves.” They were not amused. They made the arrests group by affinity group, and as the police got closer to my group our newcomer freaked out. He turned beet red; the whites of his eyes were shining with fright. He began to hoot loudly: “Hoot! Hoot! Hoot!”

The MNS members in our affinity group saw he was in danger of being beaten to a pulp by the police — there’s nothing like fear meeting fear. Several of us protected him with our bodies while talking to him as reassuringly as we could, while others explained loudly and firmly to the police that we were taking care of him and that he would be okay if they would let us do our job.

Our guy kept hooting, but at least he wasn’t flailing, and he accepted our body-to-body shielding operation. The police backed off a minute to decide what to do. They then carefully arrested us in a way that enabled our shield to stay intact around our guy, and together we moved into the waiting police bus. Once on the bus with the police outside guarding, our guy relaxed and re-entered his right mind in time for the processing.

I realized later that the day was a win/win/win/win: protect someone from severe injury, reinforce the affinity group model, get respect as radicals who serve the movement and build credibility for the LGBT cause.

I see the incident’s relevance for today: we showed the utility of trained activists in confrontational crowd situations. Extreme weather may bring the crowds soon to overcome their despair and do direct action for climate justice. Let’s practice joining so we can be ready.

SEE ALSO

  • Training for Change – Provides activist training for groups standing up for justice, peace and the environment through strategic nonviolence. The organization was founded on Martin Luther King’s birthday in 1992, a carefully chosen birthday for a group that spreads the skills of democratic, nonviolent social change. we’ve led hundreds of workshops for nonviolent activists around the world with our unique direct education approach. They’ve included crowd control workshops for Mohawks, strategic planning retreats for Greenpeace, civil disobedience workshops for nursing-home workers, strike trainings for steelworkers and civil disobedience classes for ACT-UP.
FAIR USE NOTICE: This blog, Citizen Action Monitor, may contain copyrighted material that may not have been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. Such material, published without profit, is made available for educational purposes, to advance understanding of human rights, democracy, scientific, moral, ethical, and social justice issues. It is published in accordance with the provisions of the 2004 Supreme Court of Canada ruling and its six principle criteria for evaluating fair dealing

Two Quebec activists see few lasting gains from the 2012 “Maple Spring” social upsurge

“We have gone from retreat to retreat. In terms of public policies, there is no change.”

No 669 Posted by fw, January 31, 2013

“The Parti québécois [which won with a weak plurality] had promised some progressive but timid reforms. The increase in tuition fees has been cancelled (for the moment), the closing of a nuclear power plant has been announced, some nice measures in the first weeks. And since then we have gone from retreat to retreat. In terms of public policies, there is no change, and the PQ is again demonstrating its inability to be a real political alternative to neoliberalism. It’s sort of a return, not back to square one but not far from that. There is some disillusionment due to the fact that this movement was not immediately able to correct the direction in which Quebec was going.” Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois

This post features opening passages from a very long interview with two Québécois — Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, a leader of last year’s strike, and Eric Martin, a leader of the 2005 student strike — about the lessons they draw from their experiences.  The interview first appeared in French, in the January 18, 2013 Quebec journal, Contretemps. A translated English account has just appeared, and it is from this version that the opening passages have been selected simply to give a flavour for the tone of the piece and to tempt readers to turn to the complete French and/or English articles. To read the entire English version, click on the linked title below.

The Contretemps interview was conducted by Hugo Harari-Kermadec on December 15, 2012.The English translation is by Richard Fidler.

Interviewees: Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, former co-spokesperson for the CLASSE (the major student organization in the “maple spring”), and Eric Martin, a co-author of Université inc. (Lux Éditeur, 2011), research officer at the Institut de recherche et d’informations socio-économiques (IRIS) and member of the Collectif d’analyse politique (CAP/NCS).

Whither the Quebec left and student movement after the ‘Maple Spring’? translation by Richard Fidler, published by Life on the Left, January 29, 2013

OPENING PASSAGES

Fidler’s endnotes and hyperlinks have been omitted from the following post.

QuestionWhat is the situation in Quebec since the victory of the Parti québécois on September 4, 2012?

Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois — Since the election we have been experiencing a certain return to reality, which is difficult for a part of the student movement. There is disappointment, since the mobilization, unprecedented in Quebec history, was not translated in the electoral results which were fairly tepid, with an electorate that was extremely divided by thirds. The Parti québécois [which won with a weak plurality] had promised some progressive but timid reforms. The increase in tuition fees has been cancelled (for the moment), the closing of a nuclear power plant has been announced, some nice measures in the first weeks. And since then we have gone from retreat to retreat. In terms of public policies, there is no change, and the PQ is again demonstrating its inability to be a real political alternative to neoliberalism. It’s sort of a return, not back to square one but not far from that. There is some disillusionment due to the fact that this movement was not immediately able to correct the direction in which Quebec was going.

Eric Martin — From the standpoint of the political consciousness of the youth, the movement launched some seismic waves, the full impact of which is not yet clear; it will be revealed in the long run. But it is the Parti québécois that proved incapable of reaping the harvest that the movement sowed in people’s minds. Thirty years ago, this party purported to carry the historic aspirations of the Quebec people and youth for emancipation, and proclaimed its proximity to the interests of the workers, its “bias in favour of the workers.” But in the end it showed it was incapable of seeing that an historic window had opened with the student movement, that the social crisis is deeper than education and poses the question of the future of Quebec, while the PQ did not even take advantage of what was being delivered to it on a silver plate. On the contrary, they closed the window, made some technocratic reforms, without any debate. And by retreating at the least reaction, because this government is very skittish media-wise. So the government is already discredited, and it will soon fall. What awaits us is the election of a right-wing party, either the return of the Liberals or, worse still, the Coalition Avenir Québec.

Nadeau-Dubois – The big promise of the PQ for education was to stop the fee hike and above all to open a sort of major summit on the future of higher education in Quebec, which would discuss all the options including free education. But what appears is a funnelling to consensus, and we know in advance what will come out: indexation of tuition fees to the cost of living and, worse still, the pursuit of commoditization of the education system with the establishment of quality certification [which guarantees the skills acquired by graduates]. So there will be a deal with the business interests: we don’t increase tuition fees but we will step up the commoditization process. The attack will be directed against costs, but also content.

Martin – The PQ bought into the concept of the knowledge economy in the 1990s, with the performance contracts in the universities. So for this party there is a sort of continuity: “Regardless of what the kids in the street are saying, we take power and we get back to serious business, the paternalist technocrats know what is the right thing.” That’s the fine voice of the OECD. In what way is that party a party of change? No way!

Nadeau-Dubois – Many people were saying there might be some possibility with the conference on education: the last one was in the 1960s, it was time to inquire as to the role of higher education in Quebec. What is even sadder, or frustrating, is that one of the former student spokespersons was co-opted by the Parti québécois and is now telling people that this summit is part of the continuity of the movement. He is selling the movement to the PQ.

Martin — The most frustrating thing is the disconnection between the talk, the discourse, and the functioning of the regime. There may be a major joint effort, with lots of studies on the table to show that it should not be done, but it will proceed anyway. And ultimately, that is what this former spokesman does. In Quebec we cannot express a demand that can be objectified, be translated politically and institutionally. It is blocked by a duopoly, as in the United States.

END OF OPENING PASSAGES

Fair Use Notice: This blog, Citizen Action Monitor, may contain copyrighted material that may not have been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. Such material, published without profit, is made available for educational purposes, to advance understanding of human rights, democracy, scientific, moral, ethical, and social justice issues. It is published in accordance with the provisions of the 2004 Supreme Court of Canada ruling and its six principle criteria for evaluating fair dealing